This interesting study by the U.S. Army’s Strategic Studies Institute of the 2006 Hezbollah-Israel wars offers some important insights not only into that conflict, but why Hezbollah matters and how their actions can affect how future wars develop.
The study, first brought to public attention by the Haaretz newspaper,concludes that Hezbollah fought the war not as an “information age guerrillas,” but as a prototype of a new hybrid force that also relies on conventional tactics and structures.
The report also concludes Hezbollah fought better than any other Arab force to fight with Israel.
The report is worth reading because, whether one agrees or not with everything there, it is thought-provoking. It is particularly important given Hezbollah’s growing strength and reach in Latin America, because it shows that the movement has a disciplined, innovative military mind-set.
This discipline and ability to take the long view is why it is so difficult, to my thinking, to dismiss the presence of Iran and Hezbollah in Latin America.
These state and nonstate groups operating in a coordinated fashion, are are exerting a great deal effort and a considerable sum of money in troubled economic times to pursue their agenda. It is hard to believe they would do that for no return, or without an expected strategic payoff.
This combination (state-nonstate) may be an important factor in understanding how Hezbollah as developed over time to look like a more conventional force. Without state support, that would likely not be possible.
As an aside, it also maintains strong ties with other militant groups, such as Hamas and the international Muslim Brotherhood, as this remarkable photograph from the Holy Land trial exhibits show, dug out by the NEFA Foundation.
In the picture, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrahhah is flanked by Hamas leader Khaled Mishal and chief Muslim Brotherhood theologian Yousef al-Qaradawi. That is Qaradawi, who raised funds for the HLF, according to U.S. government documents, and who has issued fatwas favoring the killing of Americans in Iraq; the beating of women and the conquest of the rest of the world in the pursuit of establishing an Islamist caliphate.
But back to the study. It makes the important point that most forces today are neither purely guerrilla nor purely conventional, and that Hezbollah in the 2006 campaign, was closer to the latter, while maintaining important elements of the former.
Hezbollah’s methods were thus somewhere between the popular conceptions of guerrilla and conventional warfare—but so are most military actors’, whether state or nonstate. Few real militaries have ever conformed perfectly to either the “conventional” or the “guerrilla” extreme. The commonplace tendency to see guerrilla and conventional methods as a stark dichotomy and to associate the former with nonstate actors and the latter with states is a mistake and has been so for at least a century.
In fact, there are profound elements of “guerrilla” methods in the military behavior of almost all state militaries in conventional warfare, from tactics all the way through strategy. And most nonstate guerrilla organizations have long used tactics and strategies that most observers tend to associate with state military behavior. In reality, there is a continuum of methods between the polar extremes of the Maginot Line and the Viet Cong, and most real-world cases have always fallen somewhere in between. The 2006 Lebanon campaign, too, fell somewhere in between. Its placement on this continuum, however, is much further from the Viet Cong end of the scale than many low-tech transformation advocates would expect for a nonstate actor—and, in fact, the biggest divergence between Hezbollah’s methods and those of modern Western militaries may well be Hezbollah’s imperfect proficiency of execution rather than the doctrine they were trying to execute.
The question then is, how should the U.S. military be restructuring its forces for the coming decades? The authors argue that too much change to deal with asymmetrical warfare would be counter-productive. We will likely be facing more of these hybrid organizations, just as we face growing hybrids between criminal and terrorist structures.
The Obama administration will have multiple short-term crises to deal with. But this is one of the longer-range ones that needs to be tackled consistently over time to get it right.
Friday, December 19, 2008
Indian Businesses Push for Security by Rama Lakshmi
Four days after gunmen struck Mumbai, prominent business leaders met in the distant southern Indian city of Bangalore to vent their ire.
The leaders, from India's biggest technology, software and biotechnology companies, said the attacks on the nation's business hub would shatter investor confidence in the Indian economy, participants recalled. They demanded that the government provide them with automatic weapons, grenades and military support to safeguard their facilities.
"We feel vulnerable; we are the soft targets for terrorists. In Mumbai, they attacked the heart of our economy," Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw, chief executive of the biotech company Biocon, said in an interview. "We have to be prepared. It is a wake-up call for the business community in India."
Biocon and the other business technology companies are working with the authorities in Karnataka state, of which Bangalore is the capital, to develop a security force for the city's industry sector. And last week, the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry in New Delhi offered to pay a special tax if the government did not have the resources to counter terrorism.
At least 171 people died and more than 230 were injured in last month's attacks in Mumbai, the latest in a series of bombings that have ripped through several Indian cities since May. But analysts are just now grasping the damage from the attacks on an economy battling the global financial slowdown.
After years of dizzying growth of more than 9 percent, India's growth estimate for the current fiscal year has been reduced to 6 percent, a seven-year low. Even before the attacks, industrial production and exports had slumped.
Critical sectors such as tourism, airlines and the outsourcing industry are beefing up security because of the recent attacks. But industry members contend that if India does not evolve a concerted counterterrorism policy soon, foreign investment will be frightened off.
As soon as the siege of the Oberoi Trident and the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower hotels was shown live on television, foreign tourists and business travelers began canceling trips. Business conferences were called off. Several governments put out travel advisories cautioning their citizens against visiting India.
For the first time since 2002, the Indian tourism industry, which employs 40 million people, has seen a drop in business of more than 2 percent. More than 5 million foreign tourists visited last year, bringing in more than $11 billion. The industry had lately been growing at a rate of 12 to 14 percent and had hoped to grow by 20 percent this year.
"India will not be defensive. The global traveler is not going to let the terrorists win. But the global economic slowdown and the attacks in Mumbai have taken a toll," said Ambika Soni, India's tourism minister. "Our campaign will say that India is like a continent, and an attack in Mumbai doesn't make the whole country unsafe. We want the additional security to be visible. We will say there is no problem in being frisked -- it means you are safe."
At a meeting in New Delhi on Monday, tourism industry representatives proposed a special security force, made up of former military personnel, to provide an additional tier of protection at monuments, bus stops and train stations, participants said. The Incredible India tourism campaign will be tweaked to highlight visitors who say they want to return.
But three weeks after the Mumbai attacks, the cancellations are continuing, and tour operators fear that the season may be lost.
"The memory of 60 hours of live television footage of the siege of Mumbai will not be wiped away in a hurry. So we are trying to stimulate the domestic traveler market," said Keyur Joshi, co-founder of India's largest travel Web site, MakeMyTrip.com, which has seen 25 percent of its bookings by foreigners canceled.
Another sector that intelligence agencies regard as a likely terrorism target is India's new growth engine -- the flourishing information-technology and outsourcing industry that employs millions of young software engineers.
In the wake of the Mumbai attacks, the new mantra in the weekly meetings of several companies is "security preparedness," and foreign clients are insisting that they subject their facilities to thorough searches, screen employees and vendors and beef up safety drills.
"The vulnerability is being felt across the board," said S. Ramadorai, chief executive officer of Tata Consultancy Services, India's largest technology offshoring firm, headquartered in Mumbai.
But, he added, security preparedness in his industry does not stop at ensuring the physical safety of people and property. It extends to protecting the valuable data of global corporations.
"What is different for us," he said, "is that any disruption here will paralyze the intellectual capital that is deployed in our industry."
The leaders, from India's biggest technology, software and biotechnology companies, said the attacks on the nation's business hub would shatter investor confidence in the Indian economy, participants recalled. They demanded that the government provide them with automatic weapons, grenades and military support to safeguard their facilities.
"We feel vulnerable; we are the soft targets for terrorists. In Mumbai, they attacked the heart of our economy," Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw, chief executive of the biotech company Biocon, said in an interview. "We have to be prepared. It is a wake-up call for the business community in India."
Biocon and the other business technology companies are working with the authorities in Karnataka state, of which Bangalore is the capital, to develop a security force for the city's industry sector. And last week, the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry in New Delhi offered to pay a special tax if the government did not have the resources to counter terrorism.
At least 171 people died and more than 230 were injured in last month's attacks in Mumbai, the latest in a series of bombings that have ripped through several Indian cities since May. But analysts are just now grasping the damage from the attacks on an economy battling the global financial slowdown.
After years of dizzying growth of more than 9 percent, India's growth estimate for the current fiscal year has been reduced to 6 percent, a seven-year low. Even before the attacks, industrial production and exports had slumped.
Critical sectors such as tourism, airlines and the outsourcing industry are beefing up security because of the recent attacks. But industry members contend that if India does not evolve a concerted counterterrorism policy soon, foreign investment will be frightened off.
As soon as the siege of the Oberoi Trident and the Taj Mahal Palace & Tower hotels was shown live on television, foreign tourists and business travelers began canceling trips. Business conferences were called off. Several governments put out travel advisories cautioning their citizens against visiting India.
For the first time since 2002, the Indian tourism industry, which employs 40 million people, has seen a drop in business of more than 2 percent. More than 5 million foreign tourists visited last year, bringing in more than $11 billion. The industry had lately been growing at a rate of 12 to 14 percent and had hoped to grow by 20 percent this year.
"India will not be defensive. The global traveler is not going to let the terrorists win. But the global economic slowdown and the attacks in Mumbai have taken a toll," said Ambika Soni, India's tourism minister. "Our campaign will say that India is like a continent, and an attack in Mumbai doesn't make the whole country unsafe. We want the additional security to be visible. We will say there is no problem in being frisked -- it means you are safe."
At a meeting in New Delhi on Monday, tourism industry representatives proposed a special security force, made up of former military personnel, to provide an additional tier of protection at monuments, bus stops and train stations, participants said. The Incredible India tourism campaign will be tweaked to highlight visitors who say they want to return.
But three weeks after the Mumbai attacks, the cancellations are continuing, and tour operators fear that the season may be lost.
"The memory of 60 hours of live television footage of the siege of Mumbai will not be wiped away in a hurry. So we are trying to stimulate the domestic traveler market," said Keyur Joshi, co-founder of India's largest travel Web site, MakeMyTrip.com, which has seen 25 percent of its bookings by foreigners canceled.
Another sector that intelligence agencies regard as a likely terrorism target is India's new growth engine -- the flourishing information-technology and outsourcing industry that employs millions of young software engineers.
In the wake of the Mumbai attacks, the new mantra in the weekly meetings of several companies is "security preparedness," and foreign clients are insisting that they subject their facilities to thorough searches, screen employees and vendors and beef up safety drills.
"The vulnerability is being felt across the board," said S. Ramadorai, chief executive officer of Tata Consultancy Services, India's largest technology offshoring firm, headquartered in Mumbai.
But, he added, security preparedness in his industry does not stop at ensuring the physical safety of people and property. It extends to protecting the valuable data of global corporations.
"What is different for us," he said, "is that any disruption here will paralyze the intellectual capital that is deployed in our industry."
Intel ups stake in Imagination following Apple's buy-in by Sam Oliver
Two days after Apple purchased a 3.6 percent share in Imagination Technologies, Intel increased its own stake in the British graphics chip design firm to a comparable share, filings show.
Working through its strategic investment arm Intel Capital Corporation, the world's largest chipmaker acquired a further 934,422 shares in Imagination to boost its aggregate holding to 6,934,422 shares, representing 3.04 percent of Imagination's total issued voting rights.
Like Apple, which licenses Imagination's graphics technology for use in current and future iPhones as well as the iPod touch, Intel is also a licensee of the company's upcoming 3D technology, which it plans to incorporate into its Atom processor for netbooks and other mobile internet devices (MIDS).
It remains unclear what prompted Intel to boost its stake in the developer of PowerVR chipsets less than 48 hours after Apple. However, it now appears that Imagination's surprising disclosure Thursday that Apple was among its technology licensees was made without the Cupertino-based firm's blessing. Shortly after the story made headlines, Imagination shredded its press release and removed all other mention of Apple's association from its website.
Apple's multi-year, multi-IP, multi-use licence to Imagination's current and future portfolio of PowerVR mobile graphics components includes the next generation PowerVR SGX VXD video IP cores. Those parts will introduce OpenGL ES 2.0 support, along with a Universal Scalable Shader Engine that will provide future Apple mobile devices with highly efficient, shader-based 3D graphics.
In addition to being backwards compatible with code developed for the current iPhone and iPod touch, the new cores will also run that code with better performance and efficiency.
When combined with the assets it recently acquired from fabless chip design firm PA Semi and the tools of its current system-on-a-chip (SoC) manufacturing partner Samsung, Apple is expected to use its licenses to Imagination's portfolio to build a new breed of unique mobile SoCs that will power future versions of its handheld products like the iPhone and iPod touch.
It's unlikely that rival device makers will be able to match the advantages of Apple's new offerings with off-the-shelf parts and generic software platforms such as Android, Windows Mobile, and Symbian.
Working through its strategic investment arm Intel Capital Corporation, the world's largest chipmaker acquired a further 934,422 shares in Imagination to boost its aggregate holding to 6,934,422 shares, representing 3.04 percent of Imagination's total issued voting rights.
Like Apple, which licenses Imagination's graphics technology for use in current and future iPhones as well as the iPod touch, Intel is also a licensee of the company's upcoming 3D technology, which it plans to incorporate into its Atom processor for netbooks and other mobile internet devices (MIDS).
It remains unclear what prompted Intel to boost its stake in the developer of PowerVR chipsets less than 48 hours after Apple. However, it now appears that Imagination's surprising disclosure Thursday that Apple was among its technology licensees was made without the Cupertino-based firm's blessing. Shortly after the story made headlines, Imagination shredded its press release and removed all other mention of Apple's association from its website.
Apple's multi-year, multi-IP, multi-use licence to Imagination's current and future portfolio of PowerVR mobile graphics components includes the next generation PowerVR SGX VXD video IP cores. Those parts will introduce OpenGL ES 2.0 support, along with a Universal Scalable Shader Engine that will provide future Apple mobile devices with highly efficient, shader-based 3D graphics.
In addition to being backwards compatible with code developed for the current iPhone and iPod touch, the new cores will also run that code with better performance and efficiency.
When combined with the assets it recently acquired from fabless chip design firm PA Semi and the tools of its current system-on-a-chip (SoC) manufacturing partner Samsung, Apple is expected to use its licenses to Imagination's portfolio to build a new breed of unique mobile SoCs that will power future versions of its handheld products like the iPhone and iPod touch.
It's unlikely that rival device makers will be able to match the advantages of Apple's new offerings with off-the-shelf parts and generic software platforms such as Android, Windows Mobile, and Symbian.
Wednesday, December 17, 2008
OIC: A Modern Day Inquisition? by Walid Phares
The Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), an association of the world's Islamic states, is pushing the United Nations to outlaw "defamation" of religion in general, and of one religion in particular.
My remarks that follow are based on 27 years of researching in the field of international relations and conflicts, and on a decade of teaching Religions and World Politics. Since I published my first book in Arabic in 1979, where I addressed the issue of relationships between civilizations and cultural blocs worldwide, I have had the opportunity to publish ten books and hundreds of articles focusing on the rise of ideologies including self-described, theologically-inspired ones such as Jihadism. I also had the opportunity to interact and meet politicians, legislators, authors and academics on three continents, particularly under the auspices of the European Foundation for Democracy. In addition, I was pleased to contribute to the preparation of legislation in the US Congress and initiatives at the European Parliament to defend religious freedom and basic rights of minorities around the world. Last but not least I was privileged to work with diplomats and NGOS on preparing for and passing UN Security Council Resolutions related to the Middle East.
From this background I have prepared a few comments about some initiatives put forth by members of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to be introduced at the UN Human Rights Council (headquartered in Geneva) and at the Durban II Conference on Racism, Xenophobia and Discrimination. These initiatives center on the driving principle of sanctioning what was coined as "defamation" of religions, and particularly the Islamic faith, under the term "Islamophobia."
Let me first state clearly that I do agree with UN efforts, declarations and legislations aimed at countering incitement to violence, physical and psychological against any religion or religious group, or on behalf of any religion or ideology against others. This principle is universal and should apply in protection of Muslims anywhere, and of non-Muslims as well. Any religion or religious group who are the victims of discrimination, intimidation or suppression must receive protection under international law. The United Nations and all of its institutions, including the Human Rights Council, as well as its conferences, including Durban II, must be even-handed and fair in extending their protection on a universal basis, to Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, Shintoists, Taoists, all other religions as well as to Atheists and Agnostics. No exception should be made to a particular faith or community and no privilege should be granted to one at the exception of the other. Thus we believe that the highest protection granted to all is epitomized in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights of 1948. Creating another special Charter for one particular religion group would be an act of discrimination against all others.
However, the current proposal by the OIC member States to create legislation that would sanction perpetrators of "defamation of religion" has at least five problems.
Problem of Definition
First, there is a problem about the substance of the concept. Indeed how can one define "defamation" as an aggression against faith, any faith? Where is the limit between criticizing a set of beliefs or ideas and defaming a whole religion? How can members of a religion reform their system if they cannot criticize it? Will reform become synonymous to defamation? If the very concept of "defamation" is not clarified and thoroughly defined, legislation such a sought would lead to blocking reforms and punishing reformers. As it stands at this stage the wording of "defamation of religion" -- even if some are well intentioned in pushing for it -- is a stark reminder of the blasphemy laws of medieval times which were behind religious persecution and the Inquisition. Defamation of religion as a concept has to be specified and accepted within the state of international consensus so that it won't become a serious setback to human rights instead of an additional protection to it.
Targets of "Defamation"
By opening the door to create a new set of protected categories under international law, in this case religions -- and particularly the Islamic faith -- one has to expect that other religious groups, faiths and sects will also want to protect their entities from "defamation." To the camp irritated by so-called "Islamophobia" (since it still has to be debated internationally) other quarters will respond with "Christaphobia," "Judeophobia" or "Hinduophobia," let alone possibly "Atheophobia."
Muslims have serious reasons to fear discrimination and these fears have to be addressed, but Christians, Jews and Hindus (to name a few) also have significant reasons to fear discrimination. One example can illustrate so-called "defamation" as applied theologically to non-Muslims: the principle of "Infidels." Indeed, the theological identification of non-Muslims as Kuffar is considered by the latter as a standing, institutional, theologically-based defamation of their very faiths. If the "defamation of religion" initiative led by the OIC passes as legislation its very first implementation should automatically sanction the xenophobic principle of "Kuffar." If that concept is to be sanctioned under "defamation" those who are attempting to abuse the concept of "defamation" would have opened Pandora's box, exploding the relationship between modernity and religions. Is the OIC ready to include banning the term "Infidels" as part of its initiative?
Muslims' Human Rights
Such an international law, if enacted, will be harmful first to Muslims seeking their Human Rights inside the Muslim world. Authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, particularly those claiming theological supremacy, are already abusing their own Muslim citizens on the ground of defamation to religion, as they see it. The Taliban oppression of the Afghan people, including women and minorities, was claimed to be in defense of their faith against those who defamed it. The use of the principle of defending religion from defamation by ideological regimes has led to unparalleled abuse of human rights.
Such abuses, in different versions and degrees, have been practiced in Iran, Sudan and Saudi Arabia. In other more moderate or secular countries in the Muslim world, courts and clerics have issued rulings against so-called defamation, not always fairly. We've seen militant organizations and individuals taking the matter in their own hands despite the rule of law. Muslim women, students, artists, workers and secular political parties have been abused in the name of defending the faith against "defamation".
Such realities have also been part of the history of both Western and Eastern Christianity and other religious civilizations. In the contemporary Muslim world -- with all the tensions provoked by radicalization -- such an international "defamation law" would provide oppressive regimes and extremist factions with a formidable weapon to suppress opposition and intellectuals. Those Muslims who see "otherwise" would be accused of defamation of the official interpretation of the faith. Radical Sunni and Shia clerics would invoke this international legislation to suppress each other's sects. In short, if this concept is irresponsibly approved at the UN, it will have incalculable negative consequences on the Muslim world's civil societies and their future.
Non Muslim Minorities
In Muslim countries where non Muslims form a minority, such an anti-defamation agenda will be devastating against the weakest segments of society. The legislation will be used by Islamist regimes and militant organizations to repress these minorities under the aegis of defending "faith." Christian Copts in Egypt, who call for equality of treatment with other citizens, are often accused of "defaming" the state religion and thus kept in an awkward state of political backwardness. Baha'is, Christians and Jews are suppressed in Iran in the guise of defaming the established religious hierarchy. In Iraq, Assyro-Chaldeans have been physically attacked by Jihadi terrorists under the slogan of "insulting religion." In many cases, as in South Sudan, minorities reject the application of Sharia on their own communities. With "anti-defamation" becoming UN sponsored, any rejection of Sharia will automatically become synonymous with "insulting the faith." Hence religious minorities which should be protected under human rights laws will find themselves persecuted by such a declaration.
Jihadist abuse
Perhaps the most dangerous consequence of the adoption of vague "anti-defamation" legislation -- allegedly to address "Islamophobia" -- will be to embolden the Jihadi Islamist movements around the world into further violence. Indeed, both Salafists and Khomeinists already claim they are defending the Muslim world against infidels. If the OIC is successful in forcing such a declaration through the UN or the Durban Conference into international law, Jihadists around the world will score a tremendous moral and psychological victory by claiming that the present conflicts are indeed about religion, and that Islam is indeed under attack at the hands of Infidels. An anti-defamation declaration will validate al Qaeda's agenda and reinforce the Iranian regime's ambitions. The Jihadists' ideology, based essentially on their interpretation of theology, builds radicalization by asserting that they are the defenders of the faith. A declaration against the defamation of Islam declaration will serve their strategic interests perfectly, and fuel their indoctrination processes. In short, it will protect their Takfiri ideology.
Dangerous Consequences
If an "anti defamation" declaration or covenant were to be forced through the UN Human Rights Council and the Durban II Conference in 2009 by the OIC, it would have dangerous consequences for the credibility of the UN Council in Geneva, for the state of international law, and for the state of human rights around the world. Among these consequences would be:
1. It will find itself opposed by many democratic and Human Rights NGOs and activists, both within the Muslim World and internationally, on the grounds of it creating discrimination against liberal Muslims, non Muslims and other faiths as well. Such a declaration will create more "phobia" than ever before since it is the product of the medieval concept of inquisition rather than the progressive concept of equality among individuals.
2. The Human Rights Council of the UN would thus be transformed by authoritarian regimes and radical ideologues into a "super regime" covering up and aiding in the oppression of democratic opposition, women and minorities in many countries. This would constitute a major blow to the credibility not only of the highest international institution in defense of Human Rights but eventually of the United Nations as a whole.
3. Such a declaration would naturally unleash a massive protest movement against the "super discrimination regime" by NGOs and activists from Arab, Muslim, and Hindu, African, Asian, Westerner and other backgrounds. The inquisitorial system advanced by members of the OIC against criticism and reform would be opposed as a return to the oppressive, medieval methods of the Dark Ages, which through harsh religious defamation laws caused great harm to Humanity and obstructed progress for centuries. There is no doubt that a contemporary Inquisition -- as proposed by some members from the OIC -- would deeply affect the Durban II Conference on Racism and Xenophobia, establishing a more lethal form of discrimination via this UN sponsored (and funded) event.
4. One would also expect to see Human Rights groups and pro-democracy movements demanding from national assemblies, particularly in liberal democracies, legislation to protect targeted segments of society such as women, intellectuals, artists, authors, publishers, minorities, reformists and other entities expected to suffer from "defamation persecution." Democratic constitutions cannot accept a setback to their long evolution away from religious inquisition and theological legal frameworks. It is to be expected that civil societies will rise against such a modern-day inquisition and blast its authors, including unfortunately those UN institutions which were initially designed to protect individuals from religious persecution.
5. Last but not least one would not be surprised if NGOs and individual citizens would take the matter to courts around the world where justice is independent. Intellectuals and opinion makers would seek both protection and reparation from the potential implementation of such an international declaration or legislation. Governments who pushed the "defamation-inquisition" through the UN, and the latter as well, may find themselves taken to court, regardless of the results. The image of judges requesting states and international organization to pay reparation for moral and physical damages caused by a UN declaration responsible for discrimination is not a bright one, but could very much become reality if the OIC project, initially designed by radical ideologues, is not withdrawn or at least restructured.
Suggestions
Here are some suggestions which might help in defusing the emerging crisis between the OIC members who are pushing for this declaration and those pro-democracy and Human Rights NGOs who are opposing it.
1. We suggest that neutral members in the UN Human Rights Council intervene to prevent this crisis by calling for a special forum where both points of views are heard and a new consensus is built: Government representatives, NGOs, and International Organizations should be invited by member states of the Council who wish to engage in this mediation. The mediation forum must find ways to address the real and specific concerns of the OIC regarding the psychological stress induced by severe attacks on religion on the one hand and the concerns of the Human Rights community with regards the discriminatory dimension of the current "anti-defamation" project on the other.
2. We also suggest the organization of a special conference of experts to address the following questions:
a. Define the concept of defamation of religions in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
b. Define the body that can determine the nature of defamation of religions, including the concept of "Kuffar" (infidels) and incorporate this issue in the general discussion of Racism and Xenophobia at the forthcoming Durban II Conference.
Conclusion
In the end, we hope that the voices of reason within the United Nations will prevail over the movement towards increasing radicalization, and strike a balance between the right to be protected emotionally and the right of expression: the one must not eliminate the other.
My remarks that follow are based on 27 years of researching in the field of international relations and conflicts, and on a decade of teaching Religions and World Politics. Since I published my first book in Arabic in 1979, where I addressed the issue of relationships between civilizations and cultural blocs worldwide, I have had the opportunity to publish ten books and hundreds of articles focusing on the rise of ideologies including self-described, theologically-inspired ones such as Jihadism. I also had the opportunity to interact and meet politicians, legislators, authors and academics on three continents, particularly under the auspices of the European Foundation for Democracy. In addition, I was pleased to contribute to the preparation of legislation in the US Congress and initiatives at the European Parliament to defend religious freedom and basic rights of minorities around the world. Last but not least I was privileged to work with diplomats and NGOS on preparing for and passing UN Security Council Resolutions related to the Middle East.
From this background I have prepared a few comments about some initiatives put forth by members of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to be introduced at the UN Human Rights Council (headquartered in Geneva) and at the Durban II Conference on Racism, Xenophobia and Discrimination. These initiatives center on the driving principle of sanctioning what was coined as "defamation" of religions, and particularly the Islamic faith, under the term "Islamophobia."
Let me first state clearly that I do agree with UN efforts, declarations and legislations aimed at countering incitement to violence, physical and psychological against any religion or religious group, or on behalf of any religion or ideology against others. This principle is universal and should apply in protection of Muslims anywhere, and of non-Muslims as well. Any religion or religious group who are the victims of discrimination, intimidation or suppression must receive protection under international law. The United Nations and all of its institutions, including the Human Rights Council, as well as its conferences, including Durban II, must be even-handed and fair in extending their protection on a universal basis, to Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, Shintoists, Taoists, all other religions as well as to Atheists and Agnostics. No exception should be made to a particular faith or community and no privilege should be granted to one at the exception of the other. Thus we believe that the highest protection granted to all is epitomized in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights of 1948. Creating another special Charter for one particular religion group would be an act of discrimination against all others.
However, the current proposal by the OIC member States to create legislation that would sanction perpetrators of "defamation of religion" has at least five problems.
Problem of Definition
First, there is a problem about the substance of the concept. Indeed how can one define "defamation" as an aggression against faith, any faith? Where is the limit between criticizing a set of beliefs or ideas and defaming a whole religion? How can members of a religion reform their system if they cannot criticize it? Will reform become synonymous to defamation? If the very concept of "defamation" is not clarified and thoroughly defined, legislation such a sought would lead to blocking reforms and punishing reformers. As it stands at this stage the wording of "defamation of religion" -- even if some are well intentioned in pushing for it -- is a stark reminder of the blasphemy laws of medieval times which were behind religious persecution and the Inquisition. Defamation of religion as a concept has to be specified and accepted within the state of international consensus so that it won't become a serious setback to human rights instead of an additional protection to it.
Targets of "Defamation"
By opening the door to create a new set of protected categories under international law, in this case religions -- and particularly the Islamic faith -- one has to expect that other religious groups, faiths and sects will also want to protect their entities from "defamation." To the camp irritated by so-called "Islamophobia" (since it still has to be debated internationally) other quarters will respond with "Christaphobia," "Judeophobia" or "Hinduophobia," let alone possibly "Atheophobia."
Muslims have serious reasons to fear discrimination and these fears have to be addressed, but Christians, Jews and Hindus (to name a few) also have significant reasons to fear discrimination. One example can illustrate so-called "defamation" as applied theologically to non-Muslims: the principle of "Infidels." Indeed, the theological identification of non-Muslims as Kuffar is considered by the latter as a standing, institutional, theologically-based defamation of their very faiths. If the "defamation of religion" initiative led by the OIC passes as legislation its very first implementation should automatically sanction the xenophobic principle of "Kuffar." If that concept is to be sanctioned under "defamation" those who are attempting to abuse the concept of "defamation" would have opened Pandora's box, exploding the relationship between modernity and religions. Is the OIC ready to include banning the term "Infidels" as part of its initiative?
Muslims' Human Rights
Such an international law, if enacted, will be harmful first to Muslims seeking their Human Rights inside the Muslim world. Authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, particularly those claiming theological supremacy, are already abusing their own Muslim citizens on the ground of defamation to religion, as they see it. The Taliban oppression of the Afghan people, including women and minorities, was claimed to be in defense of their faith against those who defamed it. The use of the principle of defending religion from defamation by ideological regimes has led to unparalleled abuse of human rights.
Such abuses, in different versions and degrees, have been practiced in Iran, Sudan and Saudi Arabia. In other more moderate or secular countries in the Muslim world, courts and clerics have issued rulings against so-called defamation, not always fairly. We've seen militant organizations and individuals taking the matter in their own hands despite the rule of law. Muslim women, students, artists, workers and secular political parties have been abused in the name of defending the faith against "defamation".
Such realities have also been part of the history of both Western and Eastern Christianity and other religious civilizations. In the contemporary Muslim world -- with all the tensions provoked by radicalization -- such an international "defamation law" would provide oppressive regimes and extremist factions with a formidable weapon to suppress opposition and intellectuals. Those Muslims who see "otherwise" would be accused of defamation of the official interpretation of the faith. Radical Sunni and Shia clerics would invoke this international legislation to suppress each other's sects. In short, if this concept is irresponsibly approved at the UN, it will have incalculable negative consequences on the Muslim world's civil societies and their future.
Non Muslim Minorities
In Muslim countries where non Muslims form a minority, such an anti-defamation agenda will be devastating against the weakest segments of society. The legislation will be used by Islamist regimes and militant organizations to repress these minorities under the aegis of defending "faith." Christian Copts in Egypt, who call for equality of treatment with other citizens, are often accused of "defaming" the state religion and thus kept in an awkward state of political backwardness. Baha'is, Christians and Jews are suppressed in Iran in the guise of defaming the established religious hierarchy. In Iraq, Assyro-Chaldeans have been physically attacked by Jihadi terrorists under the slogan of "insulting religion." In many cases, as in South Sudan, minorities reject the application of Sharia on their own communities. With "anti-defamation" becoming UN sponsored, any rejection of Sharia will automatically become synonymous with "insulting the faith." Hence religious minorities which should be protected under human rights laws will find themselves persecuted by such a declaration.
Jihadist abuse
Perhaps the most dangerous consequence of the adoption of vague "anti-defamation" legislation -- allegedly to address "Islamophobia" -- will be to embolden the Jihadi Islamist movements around the world into further violence. Indeed, both Salafists and Khomeinists already claim they are defending the Muslim world against infidels. If the OIC is successful in forcing such a declaration through the UN or the Durban Conference into international law, Jihadists around the world will score a tremendous moral and psychological victory by claiming that the present conflicts are indeed about religion, and that Islam is indeed under attack at the hands of Infidels. An anti-defamation declaration will validate al Qaeda's agenda and reinforce the Iranian regime's ambitions. The Jihadists' ideology, based essentially on their interpretation of theology, builds radicalization by asserting that they are the defenders of the faith. A declaration against the defamation of Islam declaration will serve their strategic interests perfectly, and fuel their indoctrination processes. In short, it will protect their Takfiri ideology.
Dangerous Consequences
If an "anti defamation" declaration or covenant were to be forced through the UN Human Rights Council and the Durban II Conference in 2009 by the OIC, it would have dangerous consequences for the credibility of the UN Council in Geneva, for the state of international law, and for the state of human rights around the world. Among these consequences would be:
1. It will find itself opposed by many democratic and Human Rights NGOs and activists, both within the Muslim World and internationally, on the grounds of it creating discrimination against liberal Muslims, non Muslims and other faiths as well. Such a declaration will create more "phobia" than ever before since it is the product of the medieval concept of inquisition rather than the progressive concept of equality among individuals.
2. The Human Rights Council of the UN would thus be transformed by authoritarian regimes and radical ideologues into a "super regime" covering up and aiding in the oppression of democratic opposition, women and minorities in many countries. This would constitute a major blow to the credibility not only of the highest international institution in defense of Human Rights but eventually of the United Nations as a whole.
3. Such a declaration would naturally unleash a massive protest movement against the "super discrimination regime" by NGOs and activists from Arab, Muslim, and Hindu, African, Asian, Westerner and other backgrounds. The inquisitorial system advanced by members of the OIC against criticism and reform would be opposed as a return to the oppressive, medieval methods of the Dark Ages, which through harsh religious defamation laws caused great harm to Humanity and obstructed progress for centuries. There is no doubt that a contemporary Inquisition -- as proposed by some members from the OIC -- would deeply affect the Durban II Conference on Racism and Xenophobia, establishing a more lethal form of discrimination via this UN sponsored (and funded) event.
4. One would also expect to see Human Rights groups and pro-democracy movements demanding from national assemblies, particularly in liberal democracies, legislation to protect targeted segments of society such as women, intellectuals, artists, authors, publishers, minorities, reformists and other entities expected to suffer from "defamation persecution." Democratic constitutions cannot accept a setback to their long evolution away from religious inquisition and theological legal frameworks. It is to be expected that civil societies will rise against such a modern-day inquisition and blast its authors, including unfortunately those UN institutions which were initially designed to protect individuals from religious persecution.
5. Last but not least one would not be surprised if NGOs and individual citizens would take the matter to courts around the world where justice is independent. Intellectuals and opinion makers would seek both protection and reparation from the potential implementation of such an international declaration or legislation. Governments who pushed the "defamation-inquisition" through the UN, and the latter as well, may find themselves taken to court, regardless of the results. The image of judges requesting states and international organization to pay reparation for moral and physical damages caused by a UN declaration responsible for discrimination is not a bright one, but could very much become reality if the OIC project, initially designed by radical ideologues, is not withdrawn or at least restructured.
Suggestions
Here are some suggestions which might help in defusing the emerging crisis between the OIC members who are pushing for this declaration and those pro-democracy and Human Rights NGOs who are opposing it.
1. We suggest that neutral members in the UN Human Rights Council intervene to prevent this crisis by calling for a special forum where both points of views are heard and a new consensus is built: Government representatives, NGOs, and International Organizations should be invited by member states of the Council who wish to engage in this mediation. The mediation forum must find ways to address the real and specific concerns of the OIC regarding the psychological stress induced by severe attacks on religion on the one hand and the concerns of the Human Rights community with regards the discriminatory dimension of the current "anti-defamation" project on the other.
2. We also suggest the organization of a special conference of experts to address the following questions:
a. Define the concept of defamation of religions in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
b. Define the body that can determine the nature of defamation of religions, including the concept of "Kuffar" (infidels) and incorporate this issue in the general discussion of Racism and Xenophobia at the forthcoming Durban II Conference.
Conclusion
In the end, we hope that the voices of reason within the United Nations will prevail over the movement towards increasing radicalization, and strike a balance between the right to be protected emotionally and the right of expression: the one must not eliminate the other.
The Shoe Thrower: What Bush Didn’t Understand by Professor Mark Woodward
On December 14, less than two weeks before his final White House Christmas, President George Walker Bush made a last pilgrimage to Iraq, the country which will, more than anything else, define his presidency.
During the otherwise unmemorable news conference, someone threw a shoe at him [video]. The president was clearly not prepared for this turn of events. More than a bit flustered, he commented that the perpetrator of this act was trying to attract attention to himself and that it was rather much like being “booed” at a political rally or having someone “wave” with not all his fingers held up.
Not exactly. I watched a CNN video clip of the “shoe throwing” and the presidential response with a group of Muslim and Christian graduate students at the Center for Religious and Crosscultural Studies at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. We watched the film over and over for nearly half an hour, all of us roaring with laughter. Many of us, for once, felt sympathy for President Bush, for whom there is, generally speaking, almost no sympathy here. No one can blame him for being surprised and confused by the event, but some of his aides must certainly have understood how it would resonate in the Muslim world.
Boundary of Holiness
Throughout the Muslim world, and in most of Asia, shoes are ritually impure. They are “dirty” in more than the material sense of the word. One does not, ever, wear shoes or sandals in mosques, shrines, temples, or in most instances in peoples’ homes. In my travels in Asia over the past three decades I have often encountered signs at the entrances to holy places reading something like: “Boundary of Holiness. Footwearing Strictly Prohibited.” Muslims remove their shoes and wash their feet, hands, and faces before prayer to purify themselves.
There is also a long history of diplomatic impasses and political conflict stemming from the refusal of western envoys to remove their shoes while visiting Muslim and other Asian capitals, and the refusal of Asian monarchs to make exceptions to accommodate Westerners’ discomfort at the thought of appearing shoeless in official capacities. To throw a shoe at a visiting head of state and erstwhile ally is very close to the ultimate expression of disgust and defiance.
Viewing the “shoe clip” and listening to my students, I could not help but recall another event involving shoes and Iraq and two very “nontraditional students.” When the war began I was teaching an undergraduate class on local Muslim cultures at Arizona State University. One of my students was an army reservist whose education had been interrupted by the first Gulf War and feared that he would be “called up” because he is a medevac helicopter pilot. The second was a very young and charming Iraqi woman, whose family had suffered horribly under Sadam Hussein and who more than anything else hoped that the war would be over quickly so that she could return to her own country. I still hear from both of them occasionally. He served two tours of duty in Iraq and finally finished his degree. She is studying for a masters degree at the American University in Cairo and has not been able to return to Iraq.
It should come as no surprise that we spent much of the semester talking about the war, Iraq, and Saddam. This, of course, included the atrocities perpetrated by the Iraqi regime. I knew that it was going to be difficult; I did not know how difficult.
At one point my Iraqi student burst into tears. She grew very angry, pulled off one of her (very) high-heeled shoes and started banging it on the table. Between her sobs she explained: “I hate him! I hate him for what he did to the Kurds and what he did to my father.” (She is Kurdish; her father was tortured and killed by Iraqi security forces.)
Pointing at the reservist she said in a voice seething with anger: “You catch him. You give him to us, the women of Iraq. We will take care of him. Shooting is too good for him! Hanging is too good for him! We will beat him to death with our shoes! That is what he deserves!”
The reservist was more than a bit taken aback, as were we all at the sudden transformation of our normally mild-spoken and pleasant colleague. He replied: “Yes ma’am but that could cause some problems with the folks from the Judge Advocate’s office...but I think you’re telling me that when I get over there I should be on the lookout for women with shoes?”
“That’s right,” she replied, and continued: “If Iraqi people come at you with shoes, you have lost their hearts and lost the war and God help us all.”
The Associated Press has reported that thousands of Shi’ah Muslim have demonstrated in support of Mutradha al Zeidi, the 28-year-old Cairo man arrested by Iraqi police in connection with the incident. He has been hailed as a hero throughout the Muslim world and is now referred to as “The Shoe Thrower.” AP seems to have missed the symbolic significance of his assault weapon of choice.
My Indonesian students understand the meaning of shoes perfectly well. They almost agreed with my Iraqi student’s assessment and the implications of the “shoe throwing” incident. One commented that in a symbolic sense this will have more important and longer lasting consequences than the attempted “shoe bombing.”
Sometimes symbolic violence is, historically speaking, more damaging than physical violence.
During the otherwise unmemorable news conference, someone threw a shoe at him [video]. The president was clearly not prepared for this turn of events. More than a bit flustered, he commented that the perpetrator of this act was trying to attract attention to himself and that it was rather much like being “booed” at a political rally or having someone “wave” with not all his fingers held up.
Not exactly. I watched a CNN video clip of the “shoe throwing” and the presidential response with a group of Muslim and Christian graduate students at the Center for Religious and Crosscultural Studies at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. We watched the film over and over for nearly half an hour, all of us roaring with laughter. Many of us, for once, felt sympathy for President Bush, for whom there is, generally speaking, almost no sympathy here. No one can blame him for being surprised and confused by the event, but some of his aides must certainly have understood how it would resonate in the Muslim world.
Boundary of Holiness
Throughout the Muslim world, and in most of Asia, shoes are ritually impure. They are “dirty” in more than the material sense of the word. One does not, ever, wear shoes or sandals in mosques, shrines, temples, or in most instances in peoples’ homes. In my travels in Asia over the past three decades I have often encountered signs at the entrances to holy places reading something like: “Boundary of Holiness. Footwearing Strictly Prohibited.” Muslims remove their shoes and wash their feet, hands, and faces before prayer to purify themselves.
There is also a long history of diplomatic impasses and political conflict stemming from the refusal of western envoys to remove their shoes while visiting Muslim and other Asian capitals, and the refusal of Asian monarchs to make exceptions to accommodate Westerners’ discomfort at the thought of appearing shoeless in official capacities. To throw a shoe at a visiting head of state and erstwhile ally is very close to the ultimate expression of disgust and defiance.
Viewing the “shoe clip” and listening to my students, I could not help but recall another event involving shoes and Iraq and two very “nontraditional students.” When the war began I was teaching an undergraduate class on local Muslim cultures at Arizona State University. One of my students was an army reservist whose education had been interrupted by the first Gulf War and feared that he would be “called up” because he is a medevac helicopter pilot. The second was a very young and charming Iraqi woman, whose family had suffered horribly under Sadam Hussein and who more than anything else hoped that the war would be over quickly so that she could return to her own country. I still hear from both of them occasionally. He served two tours of duty in Iraq and finally finished his degree. She is studying for a masters degree at the American University in Cairo and has not been able to return to Iraq.
It should come as no surprise that we spent much of the semester talking about the war, Iraq, and Saddam. This, of course, included the atrocities perpetrated by the Iraqi regime. I knew that it was going to be difficult; I did not know how difficult.
At one point my Iraqi student burst into tears. She grew very angry, pulled off one of her (very) high-heeled shoes and started banging it on the table. Between her sobs she explained: “I hate him! I hate him for what he did to the Kurds and what he did to my father.” (She is Kurdish; her father was tortured and killed by Iraqi security forces.)
Pointing at the reservist she said in a voice seething with anger: “You catch him. You give him to us, the women of Iraq. We will take care of him. Shooting is too good for him! Hanging is too good for him! We will beat him to death with our shoes! That is what he deserves!”
The reservist was more than a bit taken aback, as were we all at the sudden transformation of our normally mild-spoken and pleasant colleague. He replied: “Yes ma’am but that could cause some problems with the folks from the Judge Advocate’s office...but I think you’re telling me that when I get over there I should be on the lookout for women with shoes?”
“That’s right,” she replied, and continued: “If Iraqi people come at you with shoes, you have lost their hearts and lost the war and God help us all.”
The Associated Press has reported that thousands of Shi’ah Muslim have demonstrated in support of Mutradha al Zeidi, the 28-year-old Cairo man arrested by Iraqi police in connection with the incident. He has been hailed as a hero throughout the Muslim world and is now referred to as “The Shoe Thrower.” AP seems to have missed the symbolic significance of his assault weapon of choice.
My Indonesian students understand the meaning of shoes perfectly well. They almost agreed with my Iraqi student’s assessment and the implications of the “shoe throwing” incident. One commented that in a symbolic sense this will have more important and longer lasting consequences than the attempted “shoe bombing.”
Sometimes symbolic violence is, historically speaking, more damaging than physical violence.
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