Because for 11 years years, the American public wasn’t informed about the threat that lead to September 11 and because the classrooms and newsrooms of the United States were not educated enough about the global threat of “Jihadism,” we feel it is incumbent on individual citizens to educate themselves about this danger and mobilize to prevent a Future Jihad looming around the world and at home. It is important that American citizens understand who the “Jihadists” are, what they want to achieve, and how they are proceeding. Without this knowledge, the American public will be unable to be part of the political debate about national security and the War on Terror. And if deprived from the support of an informed public, the US Government, now and in the future, cannot sustain difficult decisions pertaining to the defeat of the Terrorist enemy.
The Ideology of the Terrorists: Jihadism
American and other democratic societies around the world, including Jewish, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim and other, have been subjected to an international ideological campaign by the ”Jihadists” who aim to bring about a worldwide domination, that is the creation of a totalitarian global regime, similar to the Taliban. Their ideology opposes Democracy, Pluralism, Secularism, and is a direct threat to Peace.
“Jihadism” rejects international law as we know it, the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, most governments around the world, women’s rights as agreed on in modern times, free arts and expression, and any interpretation of the universe, history, and values other than their own. “Jihadism” discriminates against all humans who do not abide by their vision. It calls them “Kuffars” (Infidels). This ideology prescribes violence against the “Infidels” should they be Christians, Jews, Hindus, Muslims or others; it calls for a global warfare against all who oppose them; and it terms this war “Jihad”. Hence, this ideology, in its various forms and expressions, is against international law and should be banned by the international community.
Jihadists: The Two Forces
There are two major “trees” of Jihadism: The Salafists and the Khumeinists. The Salafists, influenced by the radical Wahabis and the “Muslim Brotherhood” call for the removal of the current Arab and Muslim Governments and their replacement by a worldwide power they call “Caliphate.” The Salafist movement produced al Qaeda and its affiliates around the world and identifies itself as “The International Salafi Jihadi Movement.” It is omnipresent in the Muslim world and has a significant presence inside democracies worldwide. The Salafi Jihadists established the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. This was the model they wished to multiply around the globe. The Khumeinists are the Jihadist followers of the teachings of Iranian Ayatollah Ruhallah Khumeini. They have established what they call an “Islamic Republic” in Iran and have funded movements, including Hezbollah in Lebanon. The Iranian Regime oppresses its own peoples and seeks regional and world expansion through Terrorism and Nuclear threat.
Axis of Jihadism
Each of the two “Jihadi” blocs has its own strategy and area of action: al Qaeda and the Salafists have infiltrated many countries and penetrated some government institutions in the Muslim world. They have also established cells within Western and other democracies. The Khumeinist Jihadists have full control of Iran’s regime and created an axis of terror in the Middle East, including the Baathist regime of Syria and Hezbollah. Both powers aim at crumbling America, undermining democracies and repressing freedoms in the Arab and Muslim world. Although with different long-term goals, the Jihadi Salafists and Khumeinists have converging interests against common enemies: democracies. In many places and on different occasions the two blocs of Jihadism have established interim alliances: the regimes in Iran, Syria and Sudan and the organizations of al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, Jemaa Islamiya, and many others have cooperated: against democracies and civil societies, they have formed an axis of Jihadism. This is what the American public and civil societies around the world are up against since the 1990s. The victims of Jihadism belong to all ethnicities and religions: from the Muslim Sunni civilians in Algeria, the black Africans in Sudan, the Copts of Egypt, Shiites and Kurds of Iraq, Christians and others in Lebanon, innocents in Indonesia, Iran, to the societies of Russia, Argentina, India, Europe and the United States.
In short, humanity is under attack by Jihadism. The American people must learn more about the ideological movement that is waging war against them. The American public must ask the U.S. Congress to investigate Jihadism.
Wednesday, August 30, 2006
Tuesday, August 29, 2006
Wi-Fi Alliance to Kick Off Pre-N Certification by Monica Alleven
The Wi-Fi Alliance says in the first half of 2007 it will start to certify interoperability of Wi-Fi products that include baseline features from the developing IEEE 802.11n standard.
One of the trigger points for the program was the statement by the IEEE that it will delay the expected ratification of the "n" standard from March 2007 to March 2008, according to Karen Hanley, senior marketing director at the Wi-Fi Alliance. With tens of millions of products expected in the channel, the alliance decided it was time to help end-users who plan to use the pre-n products.
Certification means the products will be deemed interoperable with other pre-n products, with the intention to ensure they are backward compatible with previous iterations. "We want to make sure the consumer is getting the best possible experience from an interoperability standpoint," she says.
The approach involves two phases. The first is certification of the pre-standard products in the first half of 2007. If the IEEE ratifies the standard in 2008 as planned, the pre-standard certification program will flow into the fully ratified program. The Wi-Fi Alliance expects the second phase of the program will support compatibility between Wi-Fi Certified pre-standard products and those certified to the full standard.
The certification marks used for the first phase of the program will clearly indicate that the certified products are pre-standard, so consumers will understand that what they are purchasing is not based on a ratified IEEE standard, according to the alliance. The Wi-Fi Alliance says it will announce details of the program name when it is finalized.
One of the trigger points for the program was the statement by the IEEE that it will delay the expected ratification of the "n" standard from March 2007 to March 2008, according to Karen Hanley, senior marketing director at the Wi-Fi Alliance. With tens of millions of products expected in the channel, the alliance decided it was time to help end-users who plan to use the pre-n products.
Certification means the products will be deemed interoperable with other pre-n products, with the intention to ensure they are backward compatible with previous iterations. "We want to make sure the consumer is getting the best possible experience from an interoperability standpoint," she says.
The approach involves two phases. The first is certification of the pre-standard products in the first half of 2007. If the IEEE ratifies the standard in 2008 as planned, the pre-standard certification program will flow into the fully ratified program. The Wi-Fi Alliance expects the second phase of the program will support compatibility between Wi-Fi Certified pre-standard products and those certified to the full standard.
The certification marks used for the first phase of the program will clearly indicate that the certified products are pre-standard, so consumers will understand that what they are purchasing is not based on a ratified IEEE standard, according to the alliance. The Wi-Fi Alliance says it will announce details of the program name when it is finalized.
Monday, August 28, 2006
The New Taliban: the Islamic Courts Union is a Growing Power in Somalia, and a Growing Threat to the World by Daveed Gartenstein-Ross & Kyle Dabruzzi
When fighters from the radical Islamic Courts Union (ICU) seized the Somali capital of Mogadishu on June 5, analysts were immediately concerned that the country could become a haven for terrorists. Since then, the ICU's hold on the country has tightened. More alarming, the militia has come to more closely resemble al Qaeda's previous sponsor, the Taliban, with each gain it makes.
After wresting control of Mogadishu from Somalia's interim government, the ICU's militias seized a number of towns. These gains have resulted in the Islamic militia controlling cities that stretch all the way to Somalia's border with Ethiopia. More important, these gains have been strategic in nature. The ICU now enjoys great flexibility in moving its militias and supplies, and is on the verge of controlling the majority of Somalia. In contrast, the interim government is holed up in the south-central Somali city of Baidoa, and appears increasingly vulnerable.
On August 9, fighting broke out in Beletuein between Islamic militiamen and forces loyal to Yusuf Ahmed Hagar, whom the transitional government had nominated as governor of the Hiran region. After the fighting began, Hagar reportedly "escaped with two pick up trucks mounted with heavy machineguns heading to the border of Ethiopia." The city now appears calm, and firmly in the ICU's hands. The capture of Beletuein allows for increased supply movement from south to north. Beletuein is also close to Baidoa, further isolating the government there from the rest of the country.
Since then, the ICU has made three strategic gains that give it access to the Indian Ocean. In mid-August, it captured the port cities of Harardhere and Eldher, coastal towns known as a haven for pirates. And although ICU leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys denies it, eyewitnesses reported that his forces captured the port town of Hobyo on Somalia's central coastline. (The ICU pledged to stamp out piracy after capturing these towns, but this claim cannot be taken at face value: the militia has every incentive to portray itself as a force for stability in order to prevent outside governments from undermining its hold on power.)
Not only does the ICU effectively control the area surrounding the land-locked interim government in Baidoa, but its fighters talk of further advances that would give the ICU control over the most of the country. ICU fighters say they would like to spread the militia's influence to Galkayo, a town 350 miles northwest of Mogadishu. Although militiamen in Somalia's semiautonomous Puntland region have vowed to fight the ICU if it makes such an advance, their prospects for success are far from certain.
Americans and other westerners frequently have trouble comprehending why they should care about events occurring half a world away in Africa. One reason we should care is that the ICU's expansion may escalate into interstate warfare.
Ethiopia views the Islamic militia's rise as a matter of great concern, and has expressed its solidarity with Somalia's transitional government. Ethiopian information minister Berhan Hailu has said, "We will use all means at our disposal to crush the Islamist group if they attempt to attack Baidoa."
Ethiopian troops have reportedly been in Somalia since late July. Just as the Ethiopian government has threatened to use military force against the ICU, the ICU has vowed to attack Ethiopian soldiers in Somali territory. Thus far there haven't been any clashes, but both sides are clearly ready to fight. Each seems to be waiting for the other to strike first.
And there is an even more pressing reason why Westerners should care about the ICU's rise: the striking similarity between its ascendance in Somalia and that of the Taliban in Afghanistan.
One similarity is that as the ICU has gained power, Somalis have welcomed its rule because it is seen as a force for stability. Rival warlords have ruled Somalia since the fall of president Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991. According to a Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder, "[t]he warlords' militias were notorious for indiscriminate violence: Women and girls were often raped and locals could not move about the city without fear of being killed. Since the ICU took control, experts say there are noticeably fewer guns on the streets, and people move freely throughout the city without fear of attack."
This mirrors the Afghan population's reaction to the Taliban. As Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid wrote in his best-selling book Taliban:
"The Taliban had won over the unruly Pashtun south because the exhausted, war-weary population saw them as saviors and peacemakers, if not as a potential force to revive Pashtun power which had been humiliated by the Tajiks and Uzbeks. . . . In the areas under their rule, they disarmed the population, enforced law and order, imposed strict Sharia law and opened the roads to traffic which resulted in an immediate drop in food prices. These measures were all extremely welcome to the long-suffering population."
This passage touches on the most visible similarity between the ICU and the Taliban: both imposed a harsh version of sharia (Islamic law) in the areas that they seized. Under the Taliban, women had no rights. Homosexuality, conversion from Islam, and preaching of non-Islamic faiths were capital crimes. And the list of restrictions went on. CNN terrorism analyst Peter Bergen noted in his book Holy War, Inc., "Soccer, kite-flying, music, television, and the presence of females in schools and offices were all banned. Some of the decrees had a Monty Python-esque quality, like the rule banning the use of paper bags on the remote chance the paper might include recycled pages of the Koran."
The ICU has implemented a similarly harsh version of sharia wherever it has gained power. Regulations governing truly trivial matters, as described by Bergen, are often the most telling signs of the sharia law that a group has implemented--and the ICU has taken aim at the trivial. In addition to shooting two people who demanded to watch the World Cup semifinal, the ICU has also arrested sixty people for watching videos and cracked down on a wedding with live music.
Like the Taliban, the ICU has begun to ban weapons ownership by Somalis who aren't ICU-affiliated. While this is ostensibly intended to instill order, it clearly also diminishes the ability of citizens to resist the Islamic militia.
But the similarity between the ICU and Taliban that should be of greatest concern is the group's cozy relationship with al Qaeda. The Taliban served as al Qaeda's sponsor up until the 9/11 attacks. Likewise, there appear to be a number of ties between al Qaeda and the ICU.
In his book Through Our Enemies' Eyes, the former head of the CIA's bin Laden unit, Michael Scheuer, documented that bin Laden "expended sizeable amounts of time, money, and manpower to expand" into Somalia after leaving Sudan for Afghanistan. And as counterterrorism consultant Dan Darling has written, an examination of the ICU's leadership provides reason to believe that these links extend to the militia. It leader, Sheikh Aweys, has been involved with al Qaeda affiliate Al-Ittihaad Al-Islamiya since its inception. And his protégé, Aden Hashi 'Ayro, "traveled to Afghanistan to receive terrorist training there on the eve of Operation Enduring Freedom."
This concern is compounded by a confidential report released in 2002 that indicates the existence of seventeen operational terrorist training camps in Somalia. Bill Roggio has written:
"The environment in Somalia is said to compare to that of Afghanistan during the heyday of the Taliban. Terrorists from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Chechnya, Iraq and the Arabian peninsula are said to be flocking into Somalia to staff the camps or enter training. Camps are said to be training recruits to employ improvised explosive devices (roadside bombs or IEDs) to counter the expected Ethiopian armor."
Moreover, on August 23, the ICU opened a new militia training camp that featured foreign trainers from Eritrea, Afghanistan, and Pakistan--further indication of the international backing that the ICU has received.
It wasn't until 9/11 that the world woke up to the threat that the Taliban posed. It's unlikely that other countries will take that long to notice this time around. And in the next few weeks, Ethiopia may be the first to take action.
After wresting control of Mogadishu from Somalia's interim government, the ICU's militias seized a number of towns. These gains have resulted in the Islamic militia controlling cities that stretch all the way to Somalia's border with Ethiopia. More important, these gains have been strategic in nature. The ICU now enjoys great flexibility in moving its militias and supplies, and is on the verge of controlling the majority of Somalia. In contrast, the interim government is holed up in the south-central Somali city of Baidoa, and appears increasingly vulnerable.
On August 9, fighting broke out in Beletuein between Islamic militiamen and forces loyal to Yusuf Ahmed Hagar, whom the transitional government had nominated as governor of the Hiran region. After the fighting began, Hagar reportedly "escaped with two pick up trucks mounted with heavy machineguns heading to the border of Ethiopia." The city now appears calm, and firmly in the ICU's hands. The capture of Beletuein allows for increased supply movement from south to north. Beletuein is also close to Baidoa, further isolating the government there from the rest of the country.
Since then, the ICU has made three strategic gains that give it access to the Indian Ocean. In mid-August, it captured the port cities of Harardhere and Eldher, coastal towns known as a haven for pirates. And although ICU leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys denies it, eyewitnesses reported that his forces captured the port town of Hobyo on Somalia's central coastline. (The ICU pledged to stamp out piracy after capturing these towns, but this claim cannot be taken at face value: the militia has every incentive to portray itself as a force for stability in order to prevent outside governments from undermining its hold on power.)
Not only does the ICU effectively control the area surrounding the land-locked interim government in Baidoa, but its fighters talk of further advances that would give the ICU control over the most of the country. ICU fighters say they would like to spread the militia's influence to Galkayo, a town 350 miles northwest of Mogadishu. Although militiamen in Somalia's semiautonomous Puntland region have vowed to fight the ICU if it makes such an advance, their prospects for success are far from certain.
Americans and other westerners frequently have trouble comprehending why they should care about events occurring half a world away in Africa. One reason we should care is that the ICU's expansion may escalate into interstate warfare.
Ethiopia views the Islamic militia's rise as a matter of great concern, and has expressed its solidarity with Somalia's transitional government. Ethiopian information minister Berhan Hailu has said, "We will use all means at our disposal to crush the Islamist group if they attempt to attack Baidoa."
Ethiopian troops have reportedly been in Somalia since late July. Just as the Ethiopian government has threatened to use military force against the ICU, the ICU has vowed to attack Ethiopian soldiers in Somali territory. Thus far there haven't been any clashes, but both sides are clearly ready to fight. Each seems to be waiting for the other to strike first.
And there is an even more pressing reason why Westerners should care about the ICU's rise: the striking similarity between its ascendance in Somalia and that of the Taliban in Afghanistan.
One similarity is that as the ICU has gained power, Somalis have welcomed its rule because it is seen as a force for stability. Rival warlords have ruled Somalia since the fall of president Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991. According to a Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder, "[t]he warlords' militias were notorious for indiscriminate violence: Women and girls were often raped and locals could not move about the city without fear of being killed. Since the ICU took control, experts say there are noticeably fewer guns on the streets, and people move freely throughout the city without fear of attack."
This mirrors the Afghan population's reaction to the Taliban. As Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid wrote in his best-selling book Taliban:
"The Taliban had won over the unruly Pashtun south because the exhausted, war-weary population saw them as saviors and peacemakers, if not as a potential force to revive Pashtun power which had been humiliated by the Tajiks and Uzbeks. . . . In the areas under their rule, they disarmed the population, enforced law and order, imposed strict Sharia law and opened the roads to traffic which resulted in an immediate drop in food prices. These measures were all extremely welcome to the long-suffering population."
This passage touches on the most visible similarity between the ICU and the Taliban: both imposed a harsh version of sharia (Islamic law) in the areas that they seized. Under the Taliban, women had no rights. Homosexuality, conversion from Islam, and preaching of non-Islamic faiths were capital crimes. And the list of restrictions went on. CNN terrorism analyst Peter Bergen noted in his book Holy War, Inc., "Soccer, kite-flying, music, television, and the presence of females in schools and offices were all banned. Some of the decrees had a Monty Python-esque quality, like the rule banning the use of paper bags on the remote chance the paper might include recycled pages of the Koran."
The ICU has implemented a similarly harsh version of sharia wherever it has gained power. Regulations governing truly trivial matters, as described by Bergen, are often the most telling signs of the sharia law that a group has implemented--and the ICU has taken aim at the trivial. In addition to shooting two people who demanded to watch the World Cup semifinal, the ICU has also arrested sixty people for watching videos and cracked down on a wedding with live music.
Like the Taliban, the ICU has begun to ban weapons ownership by Somalis who aren't ICU-affiliated. While this is ostensibly intended to instill order, it clearly also diminishes the ability of citizens to resist the Islamic militia.
But the similarity between the ICU and Taliban that should be of greatest concern is the group's cozy relationship with al Qaeda. The Taliban served as al Qaeda's sponsor up until the 9/11 attacks. Likewise, there appear to be a number of ties between al Qaeda and the ICU.
In his book Through Our Enemies' Eyes, the former head of the CIA's bin Laden unit, Michael Scheuer, documented that bin Laden "expended sizeable amounts of time, money, and manpower to expand" into Somalia after leaving Sudan for Afghanistan. And as counterterrorism consultant Dan Darling has written, an examination of the ICU's leadership provides reason to believe that these links extend to the militia. It leader, Sheikh Aweys, has been involved with al Qaeda affiliate Al-Ittihaad Al-Islamiya since its inception. And his protégé, Aden Hashi 'Ayro, "traveled to Afghanistan to receive terrorist training there on the eve of Operation Enduring Freedom."
This concern is compounded by a confidential report released in 2002 that indicates the existence of seventeen operational terrorist training camps in Somalia. Bill Roggio has written:
"The environment in Somalia is said to compare to that of Afghanistan during the heyday of the Taliban. Terrorists from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Chechnya, Iraq and the Arabian peninsula are said to be flocking into Somalia to staff the camps or enter training. Camps are said to be training recruits to employ improvised explosive devices (roadside bombs or IEDs) to counter the expected Ethiopian armor."
Moreover, on August 23, the ICU opened a new militia training camp that featured foreign trainers from Eritrea, Afghanistan, and Pakistan--further indication of the international backing that the ICU has received.
It wasn't until 9/11 that the world woke up to the threat that the Taliban posed. It's unlikely that other countries will take that long to notice this time around. And in the next few weeks, Ethiopia may be the first to take action.
What is Russia's Real Game? by Douglas Farah
In an increasingly confused world, it has become apparent that Russia, for all its talk, is consistently positioning itself against the interests of the United States, Europe-and often on the side of Islamist radicals.
It is not just true in the U.N. Security Council with Iran, where, along with China, Russia is protecting an important client despite what such support means.
It is also true in Lebanon (directly and through Iran), the republic of Georgia and Somalia, where Russian weapons merchants, including but not limited to Viktor Bout, are supplying large amounts of weapons to fuel wars that will have a devastating impact on entire regions. In each case the beneficiary is going to be enemies of development, democracy and human rights. The beneficiaries will be radical Islamists.
President Bush famously warned that in the war on terrorism, you are with us or against us. The Russians, it seems, like the Pakistanis, Saudis and many others, are both. Russia is a particularly troubling case because of the quantitiy and quality of weapons its possesses, as well as the nuclear arsenal at least nominally under its control.
It is not entirely clear to me what Russia stands to gain from feeding the chaos. Maybe chaos itself is the end. Maybe establishing geopolitical relevance in areas the U.S. has more or less abanonded is appealing. But, as Chechnya should have shown, any dealing with radical Islam is bound to be a losing, bloody proposition.
Bout’s recent exploits in Somalia-flying in at last two IL-76 loads of weapons for the most radical, Taliban-like regime in the world-could not take place without the explicit blessing of senior Russian military intelligence officials, using allies to do the actual deals. But the sales and meddling are not independent of the Russian military establishment, often fronted by quasi-official companies that sell weapons to a large list of unofficial Russian state clients.
The weak but official government of Somalia has formally protested the proxy arming of Eritrea, the tiny country that separated from Ethiopia and likely to be a staging area for the Islamist forces in Somalia. The weapons are being delivered are from the former Soviet bloc, by Russian pilots and trainers. This confrontation will become particularly unpleasant if Ethiopia decides that having an Islamist neighbor similar to the Taliban is not to its liking a we have a reprise of the Ertiea-Ethiopia war of the late 1990s that killed tens of thousands of people.
Russian (and Chinese) weapons sales to Iran do not happen by accident. They occur with the full knowledge that these weapons would end up with either a rogue Islamist regime or a proxy army of that regime.
The same can be said for the weapons deliveries to Somalia. Aircraft filled with tens of tons of weapons do not miraculously fall from the sky to Islamist militants bent on expanding and consolidating their regime. More such weapons are on their way, intelligence sources say. It might be time to ask who is supplying the weapons and why.
It is not just true in the U.N. Security Council with Iran, where, along with China, Russia is protecting an important client despite what such support means.
It is also true in Lebanon (directly and through Iran), the republic of Georgia and Somalia, where Russian weapons merchants, including but not limited to Viktor Bout, are supplying large amounts of weapons to fuel wars that will have a devastating impact on entire regions. In each case the beneficiary is going to be enemies of development, democracy and human rights. The beneficiaries will be radical Islamists.
President Bush famously warned that in the war on terrorism, you are with us or against us. The Russians, it seems, like the Pakistanis, Saudis and many others, are both. Russia is a particularly troubling case because of the quantitiy and quality of weapons its possesses, as well as the nuclear arsenal at least nominally under its control.
It is not entirely clear to me what Russia stands to gain from feeding the chaos. Maybe chaos itself is the end. Maybe establishing geopolitical relevance in areas the U.S. has more or less abanonded is appealing. But, as Chechnya should have shown, any dealing with radical Islam is bound to be a losing, bloody proposition.
Bout’s recent exploits in Somalia-flying in at last two IL-76 loads of weapons for the most radical, Taliban-like regime in the world-could not take place without the explicit blessing of senior Russian military intelligence officials, using allies to do the actual deals. But the sales and meddling are not independent of the Russian military establishment, often fronted by quasi-official companies that sell weapons to a large list of unofficial Russian state clients.
The weak but official government of Somalia has formally protested the proxy arming of Eritrea, the tiny country that separated from Ethiopia and likely to be a staging area for the Islamist forces in Somalia. The weapons are being delivered are from the former Soviet bloc, by Russian pilots and trainers. This confrontation will become particularly unpleasant if Ethiopia decides that having an Islamist neighbor similar to the Taliban is not to its liking a we have a reprise of the Ertiea-Ethiopia war of the late 1990s that killed tens of thousands of people.
Russian (and Chinese) weapons sales to Iran do not happen by accident. They occur with the full knowledge that these weapons would end up with either a rogue Islamist regime or a proxy army of that regime.
The same can be said for the weapons deliveries to Somalia. Aircraft filled with tens of tons of weapons do not miraculously fall from the sky to Islamist militants bent on expanding and consolidating their regime. More such weapons are on their way, intelligence sources say. It might be time to ask who is supplying the weapons and why.
Wireless Players Launch Next-Gen Initiative by Susan Rush
Wireless operators from around the globe are joining forces in the name of next-generation wireless advancement. A group of seven operators, including Sprint Nextel, NTT DoCoMo, China Mobile, T-Mobile, Vodafone, Orange and KPN, have launched the Next Generation Mobile Networks (NGMN) initiative to move wireless beyond 3G.
The NGMN initiative will work as a limited U.K. company to help guide mobile networks beyond current 3G networks. The company intends to work alongside existing (wireless) standards bodies to shape the development and standardization of the next generation of mobile technologies, the companies said in a prepared statement.
The body has already created requirements for a future wide area mobile broadband network, NGMN said.
Among the first areas the NGMN will focus on: developing high levels of data throughput alongside low latency levels; compatibility with legacy networks; support of high levels of authentication and security; and improved terminal certification schemes.
The NGMN initiative will work as a limited U.K. company to help guide mobile networks beyond current 3G networks. The company intends to work alongside existing (wireless) standards bodies to shape the development and standardization of the next generation of mobile technologies, the companies said in a prepared statement.
The body has already created requirements for a future wide area mobile broadband network, NGMN said.
Among the first areas the NGMN will focus on: developing high levels of data throughput alongside low latency levels; compatibility with legacy networks; support of high levels of authentication and security; and improved terminal certification schemes.
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